Sentence Processing Reading

Abstract: This paper proposes a new theory of the relationship between the sentence processing mechanism and the available computational resources. This theory the Syntactic Prediction Locality Theory (SPLT) has two

components

an integration cost component and a component for the memory cost associated with keeping track of obligatory syntactic requirements. Memory cost is hypothesized to be quantified in terms of the number of syntactic categories that are necessary to complete the current input string as a grammatical sentence. Furthermore, in accordance with results from the working memory literature both memory cost and integration cost are hypothesized to be heavily influenced by locality (1) the longer a predicted category must be kept in memory before the prediction is satisfied, the greater is the cost for maintaining that prediction; and (2) the greater the distance between an incoming word and the most local head or dependent to which it attaches, the greater the integration cost. The SPLT is shown to explain a wide range of processing complexity phenomena not previously accounted for under a single theory, including (1) the lower complexity of subject-extracted relative clauses compared to object-extracted relative clauses, (2) numerous processing overload effects across languages, including the unacceptability of multiply center-embedded structures, (3) the lower complexity of cross-serial dependencies relative to center-embedded dependencies, (4) heaviness effects, such that sentences are easier to understand when larger phrases are placed later and (5) numerous ambiguity effects, such as those which have been argued to be evidence for the Active Filler Hypothesis.

Abstract: Two cross-modal naming experiments examined the role of working memory in processing sentences and discourses of various lengths. In Experiment 1, 10 memory impaired patients with probable Alzheimer s disease (AD) and

1. 1. 1. 1. 1. 1. healthy elderly control participants showed similar sensitivity to violations of subject-verb number agreement in a short sentence condition and similar degradation to this sensitivity in a long sentence condition. Performance in neither length condition correlated with performance on working memory tasks, suggesting that the processes involved in interpreting a grammatical dependency between adjacent and nonadjacent elements are different from those required in the working memory tasks. In Experiment 2, the same 10 AD patients were less sensitive than the 10 control participants to pronounantecedent number agreement violations in a short discourse condition, but neither group was affected by additional length. In this experiment, performance in both the short and long conditions correlated with working memory performance. These results show that grammatical and discourse dependencies pose different memory and processing demands, and that these differences are not simply due to differences in the amount of intervening material between dependent words. The results also suggest that while the working memory de cits characteristic of AD do not interfere with on-line grammatical processing within sentences, they do compromise on-line discourse processing across sentences.

Abstract: Three eye-movement-monitoring experiments investigated processing of sentences containing subject-relative and object-relative clauses. The first experiment showed that sentences containing object-relative clauses were more difficult to process than sentences containing subject-relative clauses during the relative clause and the matrix verb. The second experiment manipulated the plausibility of the sentential subject and the noun within the relative clause as the agent of the action represented by the verb in the relative clause. Readers experienced greater difficulty during processing of sentences containing object-relative clauses than subject-relative clauses. The third experiment manipulated the animacy of the sentential subject and the noun within the relative clause. This experiment demonstrated that the difficulty associated with object-relative clauses was greatly reduced when the sentential subject was inanimate. We interpret the results with respect to theories of syntactic parsing.

Abstract: This article presents two self-paced reading experiments which investigate the role of storage costs associated with maintaining incomplete syntactic dependencies in structural ambiguity resolution. We argue that previous work has been equivocal regarding syntactic influences because it has examined ambiguities where there is little or no resource differential between competing alternatives. The candidate structures of the ambiguities explored here incur substantially different storage costs. The results indicate that storage-based biases can be sufficiently powerful to create difficulty for a structural alternative even when it is promoted by nonsyntactic factors. These findings are incorporated into a model of ambiguity resolution in which structural biases operate as independent graded constraints in selecting between structural alternatives.

Abstract: Research on language comprehension has focused on the resolution of syntactic ambiguities, and most studies have employed garden-path sentences to determine the system's preferences and to assess its use of nonsyntactic sources information. A topic that has been neglected is how syntactically challenging but essentially unambiguous sentences are processed, including passives and object-clefts sentences that require thematic roles to be assigned in an atypical order. The three experiments described here tested the idea that sentences are processed both algorithmically and heuristically. Sentences were presented aurally and the participants task was to identify the thematic roles in the sentence (e.g., Who was the do-er?). The rst experiment demonstrates that passives are frequently and systematically misinterpreted, especially when they express implausible ideas. The second shows that the surface frequency of a syntactic form does not determine ease of processing, as active sentences and subject-clefts were comprehended equally easily despite the rareness of the latter type. The third experiment compares the processing of subject- and object-clefts, and the results show that they are similar to actives and passives, respectively, again despite the infrequent occurrence in English of any type of cleft. The results of the three experiments suggest that a comprehensive theory of language comprehension must assume that simple processing heuristics are used during processing in addition to (and perhaps sometimes instead of) syntactic algorithms. Moreover, the experiments support the idea that language processing is often based on shallow processing, yielding a merely good enough rather than a detailed linguistic representation of an utterance s meaning.

Abstract: A new explanation is proposed for a long standing question in psycholinguistics: Why are some reduced relative clauses so difficult to comprehend? It is proposed that the meanings of some verbs like race are incompatible with the meaning of the reduced relative clause and that this incompatibility makes sentences like The horse raced past the barn fell unacceptable. In support of their hypotheses, the authors show that reduced relatives of The horse raced past the barn fell type occur in naturally produced sentences with a near-zero probability, whereas reduced relatives with other verbs occur with a probability of about 1 in 20. The authors also support the hypotheses with a number of psycholinguistic experiments and corpus studies.

Abstract: When participants follow spoken instructions to pick up and move objects in a visual workspace, their eye movements to the objects are closely time-locked to referential expressions in the instructions. Two experiments used this methodology to investigate the processing of the temporary ambiguities that arise because spoken language unfolds over time. Experiment 1 examined the processing of sentences with a temporarily ambiguous prepositional phrase (e.g., Put the apple on the towel in the box) using visual contexts that supported either the normally preferred initial interpretation (the apple should be put on the towel) or the less-preferred interpretation (the apple is already on the towel and should be put in the box). Eye movement patterns clearly established that the initial interpretation of the ambiguous phrase was the one consistent with the context. Experiment 2 replicated these results using prerecorded digitized speech to eliminate any possibility of prosodic differences across conditions or experimenter demand. Overall, the ndings are consistent with a broad theoretical framework in which real-time language comprehension immediately takes into account a rich array of relevant nonlinguistic context.

Abstract: Three eye-tracking experiments using the visual-world paradigm are described that explore the basis by which thematic dependencies can be evaluated in advance of linguistic input that unambiguously signals those dependencies. Following Altmann and Kamide (1999), who found that selectional information conveyed by a verb can be used to anticipate an upcoming Theme, we attempt to draw here a more precise picture of the basis for such anticipatory processing. Our data from two studies in English and one in Japanese suggest that (a) verb-based information is not limited to anticipating the immediately following (grammatical) object, but can also anticipate later occurring objects (e.g., Goals), (b) in combination with information conveyed by the verb, a pre-verbal argument (Agent) can constrain the anticipation of a subsequent Theme, and (c) in a head-final construction such as that typically found in Japanese, both syntactic and semantic constraints extracted from pre-verbal arguments can enable the anticipation, in effect, of a further forthcoming argument in the absence of their head (the verb). We suggest that such processing is the hallmark of an incremental processor that is able to draw on different sources of information (some non-linguistic) at the earliest possible opportunity to establish the fullest possible interpretation of the input at each moment in time.

Abstract: In the literature dealing with the reanalysis of garden path sentences such as While the man hunted the deer ran into the woods, it is generally assumed either that people completely repair their initial incorrect syntactic representations to yield a final interpretation whose syntactic structure is fully consistent with the input string or that the parse fails. In a series of five experiments, we explored the possibility that partial reanalyses take place. Specifically, we examined the conditions under which part of the initial incorrect analysis persists at the same time that part of the correct final analysis is constructed. In Experiments 1a and 1b, we found that both the length of the ambiguous region and the plausibility of the ultimate interpretation affected the likelihood that such sentences would be fully reanalyzed. In Experiment 2, we compared garden path sentences with non-garden path sentences and compared performance on two different types of comprehension questions. In Experiments 3a and 3b, we constructed garden path sentences using a small class of syntactically unique verbs to provide converging evidence against the position that people employ some sort of ”general reasoning” or pragmatic inference when faced with syntactically difficult garden paths. The results from these experiments indicate that reanalysis of such sentences is not always complete, so that comprehenders often derive an interpretation for the full sentence in which part of the initial misanalysis persists. We conclude that the goal of language processing is not always to create an idealized structure, but rather to create a representation that is good enough to satisfy the comprehender that an appropriate interpretation has been obtained.

Abstract: Four experiments support the hypothesis that syntactically relevant information about verbs is encoded in the lexicon in semantic event templates. A verb s event template represents the participants in an event described by the verb and the relations among the participants. The experiments show that lexical decision times are longer for verbs with more complex templates than verbs with less complex templates and that, for both transitive and intransitive sentences, sentences containing verbs with more complex templates take longer to process. In contrast, sentence processing times did not depend on the probabilities with which the verbs appear in transitive versus intransitive constructions in a large corpus of naturally produced sentences.

Abstract: It is commonly assumed across the language sciences that some semantic participant information is lexically encoded in the representation of verbs and some is not. In this paper, we propose that semantic obligatoriness and verb class specificity are criteria which influence whether semantic information is lexically encoded. We present a comprehensive survey of the English verbal lexicon, a sentence continuation study, and an on-line sentence processing study which confirm that both factors play a role in the lexical encoding of participant information.

Abstract: In Latent Semantic Analysis (LSA) the meaning of a word is represented as a vector in a high-dimensional semantic space. Different meanings of a word or different senses of a word are not distinguished. Instead, word senses are appropriately modified as the word is used in different contexts. In N-VP sentences, the precise meaning of the verb phrase depends on the noun it is combined with. An algorithm is described to adjust the meaning of a predicate as it is applied to different arguments. In forming a sentence meaning, not all features of a predicate are combined with the features of the argument, but only those that are appropriate to the argument. Hence, a different sense of a predicate emerges every time it is used in a different context. This predication algorithm is explored in the context of four different semantic problems: metaphor interpretation, causal inferences, similarity judgments, and homonym disambiguation.

Abstract: We present interpretation-based processing --- a theory of sentence processing that builds a syntactic and a semantic representation for a sentence and assigns an interpretation to the sentence as soon as possible. That interpretation can further participate in comprehension and in lexical processing and is vital for relating the sentence to the prior discourse. Our theory offers a unified account of the processing of literal sentences, metaphoric sentences, and sentences containing semantic illusions. It also explains how text can prime lexical access. We show that word literality is a matter of degree and that the speed and quality of comprehension depend both on how similar words are to their antecedents in the preceding text and how salient the sentence is with respect to the preceding text. Interpretation-based processing also reconciles superficially contradictory findings about the difference in processing times for metaphors and literals. The theory has been implemented in ACT-R (Anderson & Lebiere, 1998)

Abstract: Various processing principles have been suggested to be governing the resolution of quantifier scope ambiguities in sentences such as ”Every kid climbed a tree”. This paper investigates structural principles, that is, those which refer to the syntactic or semantic positions of the quantified phrases. To test these principles, the preferred interpretations for three grammatical constructions were determined in a task in which participants made speeded judgments of whether a sentence following a doubly quantified sentence was a reasonable discourse continuation of the quantified sentence. The observed preferences cannot be explained by any single structural principle, but point instead to the interaction of several principles. Contrary to many proposals, there is little or no effect of a principle that assigns scope according to the linear order of the phrases. The interaction of principles suggests that alternative interpretations of the ambiguity may be initially considered in parallel, followed by selection of the single interpretation that best satisfies the principles. These results are discussed in relation to theories of ambiguity resolution at other levels of linguistic representation.

Abstract: Does the language you speak affect how you think about the world? This question is taken up in three experiments. English and Mandarin talk about time differently English predominantly talks about time as if it were horizontal, while Mandarin also commonly describes time as vertical. This difference between the two languages is reflected in the way their speakers think about time. In one study, Mandarin speakers tended to think about time vertically even when they were thinking for English (Mandarin speakers were faster to confirm that March comes earlier than April if they had just seen a vertical array of objects than if they had just seen a horizontal array, and the reverse was true for English speakers). Another study showed that the extent to which Mandarin English bilinguals think about time vertically is related to how old they were when they first began to learn English. In another experiment native English speakers were taught to talk about time using vertical spatial terms in a way similar to Mandarin. On a subsequent test, this group of English speakers showed the same bias to think about time vertically as was observed with Mandarin speakers. It is concluded that (1) language is a powerful tool in shaping thought about abstract domains and (2) one's native language plays an important role in shaping habitual thought (e.g., how one tends to think about time) but does not entirely determine one's thinking in the strong Whorfian sense.

Abstract: Three eye-tracking experiments investigated two frequency-based processing accounts: the serial lexical-guidance account, in which people adopt the analysis compatible with the most likely subcategorization of a verb; and the serial-likelihood account, in which people adopt the analysis that they would regard as the most likely analysis, given the information available at the point of ambiguity. The results demonstrate that neither of these accounts explains readers performance. Instead people preferred to attach noun phrases as arguments of verbs even when such analyses were unlikely to be correct. We suggest that these results fit well with a model in which the processor initially favors informative analyses.

Abstract: How are abstract ideas acquired and structured? One idea is that people's understanding of abstract domains is constructed using more basic, experiential knowledge that is acquired directly. For instance, a series of studies (Boroditsky 2000, Boroditsky & Ramscar, 2002) has shown that people's understanding of time supervenes on their physical conceptions of space, to the extent that manipulations of people's spatial knowledge have predictable affects on their temporal reasoning. In this paper we explore just how widespread this phenomenon is. To see whether basing abstract knowledge on concrete knowledge is a pervasive aspect of cognition, we investigate whether thought about an abstract, non-literal type of motion called fictive motion (Matlock, 2003a; Talmy, 1996) can influence the way people understand time. Our results suggest that, contrary to previous claims (Jackendoff, 2002), abstract, metaphorical knowledge about motion involves the same structures used in understanding literal motion, and that the activation of these literal aspects of fictive motion serve to influence temporal reasoning. The results provide further evidence of the intimate connection between abstract and concrete knowledge.

Abstract: Previous research has shown that naive participants display a high level of agreement when asked to choose or draw schematic representations, or image schemas, of concrete and abstract verbs [Proceedings of the 23rd Annual Meeting of the Cognitive Science Society, 2001, Erlbaum, Mawhah, NJ, p. 873]. For example, participants tended to ascribe a horizontal image schema to push, and a vertical image schema to respect. This consistency in offline data is preliminary evidence that language invokes spatial forms of representation. It also provided norms that were used in the present research to investigate the activation of spatial image schemas during online language comprehension. We predicted that if comprehending a verb activates a spatial representation that is extended along a particular horizontal or vertical axis, it will affect other forms of spatial processing along that axis. Participants listened to short sentences while engaged in a visual discrimination task (Experiment 1) and a picture memory task (Experiment 2). In both cases, reaction times showed an interaction between the horizontal/vertical nature of the verb s image schema, and the horizontal/vertical position of the visual stimuli. We argue that such spatial effects of verb comprehension provide evidence for the perceptual motor character of linguistic representations.

Abstract: Sentences such as ”The road runs through the valley” and ”The mountain range goes from Canada to Mexico” include a motion verb but express no explicit motion or state change. It is argued that these sentences involve fictive motion, an implicit type of motion, but do people trying to understand these sentences mentally simulate motion? This question was addressed in four experiments. In each, participants read a story about travel, for instance, fast versus slow, short versus long distance, and easy versus difficult terrain, and then made a timed decision about a fictive motion sentence. Overall, latencies were shorter after reading about fast travel, short distances, and easy terrains. Critically, the effect did not arise with non-fictive motion target sentences (e.g., ”The road is in the valley”), as demonstrated in three control studies. The results suggest that processing fictive motion includes mental simulation.

Abstract: Prosodic structure and syntactic structure are not identical; neither are they unrelated. Knowing when and how the two correspond could yield better quality speech synthesis, could aid in the disambiguation of competing syntactic hypotheses in speech understanding, and could lead to a more comprehensive view of human speech processing. In a set of experiments involving 35 pairs of phonetically similar sentences representing seven types of structural contrasts, the perceptual evidence shows that some, but not all, of the pairs can be disambiguated on the basis of prosodic differences. The phonological evidence relates the disambiguation primarily to boundary phenomena, although prominences sometimes play a role. Finally, phonetic analyses describing the attributes of these phonological markers indicate the importance of both absolute and relative measures.

Abstract: Speakers prosodic marking of syntactic constituency is often measured in sentence reading tasks that lack realistic situational constraints on speaking. Results from such studies can be criticized because the pragmatic goals of readers differ dramatically from those of speakers in typical conversation. On the other hand, recordings of unscripted speech do not readily yield the carefully controlled contrasts required for many research purposes. Our research employs a cooperative game task, in which two speakers use utterances from a predetermined set to negotiate moves around gameboards. Results from a set of early versus late closure ambiguities suggest that speakers signal this syntactic difference with prosody even when the utterance context fully disambiguates the structure. Phonetic and phonological analyses show reliable prosodic disambiguation in speakers productions; results of a comprehension task indicate that listeners can successfully use prosodic cues to categorize syntactically ambiguous fragments as portions of early or late closure utterances.

Abstract: Five studies explored the processing of ambiguous sentences like ”Martin maintained that the CEO lied when the investigation started/at the start of the investigation”. The central question was why particular prosodic boundaries have the effects they do. A written questionnaire provided baseline preferences and suggested that clausal adjuncts (”when the investigation started”) receive more high attachments than nonclausal adjuncts (”at the start of the investigation”). Four auditory studies manipulated the prosodic boundary before the adjunct clause and the prosodic boundary between the matrix clause and its complement. They disconfirm every version of an account where only the local boundary before the adjunct is important, whether the account is based on the acoustic magnitude of the boundary or its phonological type (an intermediate boundary characterized by the presence of a phrase accent vs. an intonational phrase boundary characterized by both a phrase accent and a boundary tone). Instead the results support use of the global prosodic context, especially the relative size of the local boundary and the distant boundary.

Abstract: The attachment of a relative clause (RC) has been found to differ across languages when its head noun is a complex NP. One attempt to explain the attachment differences is the Implicit Prosody Hypothesis (IPH) proposed by Fodor (1998, 2002). The goal of this paper is to show how the default phrasing of a sentence (explicit prosody), defined phonologically, differs across seven languages (English, Greek, Spanish, French, Farsi, Japanese, and Korean), and how the prosodic phrasing of a sentence in each language, both default and nondefault, matches the interpretation of RC attachment by individual speakers. Observed tendencies show that there is a direct relationship between the prosodic phrasing and the interpretation of RC attachment, strongly supporting the IPH. In addition, the paper discusses the status of default phrasing and the factors affecting the default phrasing, including rhythmic and syntactic factors and their interactions.

Abstract: In three experiments, a referential communication task was used to determine the conditions under which speakers produce and listeners use prosodic cues to distinguish alternative meanings of a syntactically ambiguous phrase. Analyses of the actions and utterances from Experiments 1 and 2 indicated that Speakers chose to produce effective prosodic cues to disambiguation only when the referential scene provided support for both interpretations of the phrase. In Experiment 3, on-line measures of parsing commitments were obtained by recording the Listener's eye movements to objects as the Speaker gave the instructions. Results supported the previous experiments but also showed that the Speaker's prosody affect the Listener's interpretation prior to the onset of the ambiguous phrase, thus demonstrating that prosodic cues not only influence initial parsing but can also be used to predict material which has yet to be spoken. The findings suggest that informative prosodic cues depend upon speakers knowledge of the situation: speakers' provide prosodic cues when needed; listeners use these prosodic cues when present.

Abstract: This paper examines predictions made by two theories of the relationship between pitch accent and focus. The empirical evidence presented suggests that listeners are sensitive to a variety of factors that may affect the focus projection ability of pitch accents, that is the ability of a pitch accent on one word to mark focus on a larger constituent. The findings suggest that listeners interpretation of focus structure is most sensitive to the presence or absence of a pitch accent on a focused constituent and the deaccenting of following unfocused material (pitch accent position). Preliminary evidence suggests that the status of a pitch accent as nuclear or prenuclear may also affect listeners interpretations, though to a lesser extent than accent position. Finally, the results show that focus projection is affected only minimally, if at all, by the type of pitch accent (at least for the two accent types compared (H* vs. L + H*)).

Abstract: A second occurrence focus is an expression which is in the scope of a focus sensitive operator, is the semantic focus of that operator, and which is a repeat of an earlier focused occurrence. Second occurrence foci are intonationally distinct from the original occurrence of the material. Indeed, second occurrence foci are often claimed to lack any intonational marking, e.g. pitch accent. This apparent dissociation of semantic and intonational focus is commonly used as an argument against certain theories of focus; e.g., alternative semantics (Rooth, 1985) and structured meaning semantics (Jacobs, 1983; Krifka, 1992; von Stechow, 1989). Here we report on a production experiment designed to test whether second occurrence foci are prosodically marked. We nd that while there is no signi cant pitch accent on second occurrence foci, there are other prosodic e ects. In particular, we observe that second occurrence focus is marked by increased duration and intensity. This result is of signi cance to semanticists interested in the interpretation of focus and to intonational phonologists interested in the acoustic realization of focus.

Abstract: Speakers are often disfluent, for example, saying ”theee uh candle” instead of ”the candle”. Production data show that disfluencies occur more often during references to things that are discourse-new, rather than given. An eyetracking experiment shows that this correlation between disfluency and discourse status affects speech comprehension. Subjects viewed scenes containing four objects, including two cohort competitors (e.g., camel, candle), and followed spoken instructions to move the objects. The first instruction established one cohort as discourse-given; the other was discoursenew. The second instruction was either fluent or disfluent, and referred to either the given or new cohort. Fluent instructions led to more initial fixations on the given cohort object (replicating Dahan et al., 2002). By contrast, disfluent instructions resulted in more fixations on the new cohort. This shows that discourse-new information can be accessible under some circumstances. More generally, it suggests that disfluency affects core language comprehension processes.

Abstract: Spontaneous speech differs in several ways from the sentences often studied in psycholinguistics experiments. One important difference is that naturally produced utterances often contain disffuencies. In this study, we examined how the presence of ”uh” in a spoken sentence might affect processes that assign syntactic structure (i.e., parsing). Four experiments are reported. In the first, participants judged the grammaticality of sentences that had disffluencies either right before the head noun of the ambiguous phrase or after (e.g., ”Sandra bumped into the busboy and the uh uh waiter told her to be careful” or ”Sandra bumped into the busboy and the waiter uh uh told her to be careful”). Sentences in the latter condition were judged grammatical less often. This result was replicated in the second experiment, in which disffuencies were replaced with environmental sounds. These findings suggest that interruptions can affect syntactic parsing, and the content of the interruption need not be speechlike. In Experiments 3 and 4 we tested whether these effects occurred because listeners use interruptions as cues to help resolve a structural ambiguity. Results from these latter two grammaticality judgment tasks suggest that when an interruption occurs before an ambiguous noun phrase, comprehenders are more likely to assume that the noun phrase is the subject of a new clause rather than the object of an old one, and furthermore, it appears that the parser is relatively insensitive to the form of the interruption. We conclude that disfluencies can influence the parser by signaling a particular structure; at the same time, for the parser, a disfluency might be any interruption to the flow of speech.

Abstract: Binding theory is the component of grammar that regulates the interpretation of noun phrases. Certain syntactic configurations involving picture noun phrases (PNPs) are problematic for the standard formulation of binding theory, which has prompted competing proposals for revisions of the theory. Some authors have proposed an account based on structural constraints, while others have argued that anaphors in PNPs are exempt from binding theory, but subject to pragmatic restrictions. In this paper, we present an experimental study that aims to resolve this dispute. The results show that structural factors govern the binding possibilities in PNPs, while pragmatic factors play only a limited role. However, the structural factors identified differ from the ones standardly assumed.

Abstract: We report two experiments which examined the role of binding theory in on-line sentence processing. Participants' eye movements were recorded while they read short texts which included anaphoric references with reflexive anaphors (himself or herself). In each of the experiments, two characters were introduced into the discourse before the anaphor, and only one of these characters was a grammatical antecedent for the anaphor in terms of binding theory. Both experiments showed that Principle A of the binding theory operates at the very earliest stages of processing; early eyemovement measures showed evidence of processing diffculty when the gender of the reflexive anaphor mismatched the stereotypical gender of the grammatical antecedent. However, the gender of the ungrammatical antecedent had no effect on early processing, although it affected processing during later stages in Experiment 1. An additional experiment showed that the gender of the ungrammatical antecedent also affected the likelihood of participants settling on an ungrammatical final interpretation. The results are interpreted in relation to the notions of bonding and resolution in reference processing.

Abstract: Three experiments investigated whether speakers use constituent ordering as a mechanism for avoiding ambiguities. In utterances like ”Jane showed the letter to Mary to her mother”, alternate orders would avoid the temporary PP-attachment ambiguity (”Jane showed her mother the letter to Mary”, or ”Jane showed to her mother the letter to Mary”). A preference judgement experiment confirmed that comprehenders prefer the latter orders for dative utterances when the former order would have contained an ambiguity. Nevertheless, speakers in two on-line production experiments showed no evidence of an ambiguity avoidance strategy. In fact, they were slightly more likely to use the former order when it was ambiguous than when it was not. Instead, ordering decisions were driven by verb biases, and the syntactic weight of the constituents. Speakers failure to disambiguate with ordering cannot be explained by the use of other ambiguity mechanisms, like prosody. A prosodic analysis of the responses in Experiment 3 showed that while speakers generally produced prosodic patterns that were consistent with the syntactic structure, these patterns would not strongly disambiguate the PP-attachment ambiguity. We suggest that speakers do not consistently disambiguate local PP-attachment ambiguities of this type, and in particular do not use constituent ordering for this purpose.

Abstract: Speakers often repeat the first word of major constituents, as in, ”I uh I wouldn't be surprised at that.” Repeats like this divide into four stages: an initial commitment to the constituent (with ”I”); the suspension of speech; a hiatus in speaking (filled with ”uh”); and a restart of the constituent (”I wouldn't ... ” ). An analysis of all repeated articles and pronouns in two large corpora of spontaneous speech shows that the four stages reflect different principles. Speakers are more likely to make a premature commitment, immediately suspending their speech, as both the local constituent and the constituent containing it become more complex. They plan some of these suspensions from the start as preliminary commitments to what they are about to say. And they are more likely to restart a constituent the more their stopping has disrupted its delivery. We argue that the principles governing these stages are general and not specific to repeats.